Afro Pessimism cross blogs

search "Afro pessimism" in my blog spheres to find more (like here for example, in this section of that blog post from the 'It is reasonable for us" to 'It is all very much the same.64' section)

When we talk about social death, living death in regards to Afro Pessimism, this is what we mean:  "21 Hayden White, Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkin

University, 1973) p. 9. This invocation of death is meant also to figuratively conjure what W.E.B. Du Bois called “a death

that is more than death,” namely the defeat and demise of those commitments and collaborations, ideas and ideals which

accrue for us the imperative of duty."

84 Although Calvin Warren seems to reduce this broad terrain of “pathology” to nihilism, this need not follow. There is a long

tradition of black social thought, from Du Bois and King, to Eldridge Cleaver, Huey Newton, and Angela Davis that suggests more robustly normative and even emancipatory content to such practices as refusal to work, drug abuse, crime,

fraud, etc.

As non-Black, Afro pessimism says that I am structurally positioned against Blackness. I do feel a world that is built completely against you (built on anti blackness) is something that is ultimately incomprehensible to me (it is not easy to be a poc/ bipoc in such a world, but that does not mean they should be ashamed)

I am not an empathetic ally of blacks as that position only reinforces the racial hierarchy. Instead I am an enemy of ‘ whiteness’    (and I lovingly fight alongside friends). 

Through Afro-pessimism I makes a critical shift in focus by me moving away from the Black/ white binary and reframing it as Black/non-Black, in order to deemphasize the status of whiteness and to center analysis, rather, on the anti-Black foundations of race and modern society. 

I see Afro-pessimism offering a framework for me to not only understand anti-Blackness but for me to also better comprehend whiteness. Racial categories exist relative to each other— in grossly obvious asymmetrical ways—and so for me understanding whiteness entails me understanding anti-Blackness.

Afro Pessimism says that it is important to recognize that whiteness is more than just an identity that one can simply abandon. The idea of being a traitor to one’s race is important when non-Black but it’s not enough. 

In Afro Pessimism ,whiteness is in the mortar that has constructed this world—which is supplemented by settler colonialism, patriarchy, heterosexuality, etc. 

Afro Pessimism says that the world’s foundations and structures that we live in are inherently anti-Black; it is not just individuals and old fashioned racists that perpetuate anti-Blackness. Thus to maintain and reform the systems around us is to uphold whiteness, and to uphold or positively identify with whiteness which will always be anti-Black.

I touch on this a bit here , and here and throughout my blog. 

According to Afro Pessimissm, as I outline here, blackness , anti blackness and non blackness are the result of performance that go back many centuries. Some Afro Pessimists write that blackness, in particular, are produced through mechanisms of domination and subjection that have yoked, harnessed, and infiltrated the apparatus of rights.

According to Afro Pessimism professor Frank Wilder III ,however such balancing as above is off base or  needs a better or more varied approach:

 “Black categories are defined against the Blackness they are not, this relation of race indirectly (and directly, e.g., white teens’ racist snapchats) sustains anti-Blackness by producing and sustaining racialized categories. Stated otherwise, “the violence of anti- blackness produces black existence; there is no prior positive blackness that could be potentially appropriated. 

Black existence is simultaneously produced and negated by racial domination, both as presupposition and consequence. Affirmation of blackness proves to be impossible without simultaneously affirming the violence that structures black subjectivity itself.”

“If, as Afro-pessimism shows, it is not possible to affirm Blackness itself without at the same time affirming anti-Black violence, then the attempts at recognition and inclusion in society will only ever result in further social and real death. 

Individuals can of course achieve some status in society through “structural adjustment” (i.e., a kind of “whitening” effect), as has been superficially confirmed, but Blackness as a racialized category remains the object of gratuitous, constituent violence—as demonstrated by police murders, mass incarceration, urban planning, and surveillance (from cointelpro to special security codes at stores to indicate when Black customers enter). As Blackness is negated by the relations and structures of society, Afro-pessimism posits that the only way out is to negate that negation”

More from here “The challenges Afro-pessimism poses to the affirmation of Blackness extend to other identities as well and problematize identity-based politics.  

The efforts, on the part of such around identities politics, to produce a coherent subject (and movement), and the reduction of antagonisms to a representable position, is not only the total circumscription of liberatory potential, but it is an extinguishment of rage with reform—which is to stake a claim in the state and society, and thus anti-Blackness. “. (This doesn’t altogether eliminate the possibilities for organizing There are very real reasons why this is often necessary and groups are experimenting with ways of building autonomy that are also anti-essentialist and recognize the heterogeneity of supposedly static categories. One example is a negative affirmation of identity in order to prevent any positive affirmation of another)

“ With this understanding of slavery and Blackness, Afro-pessimism makes a critical shift in focus by moving away from the Black/ white binary and reframing it as Black/non-Black, in order to deemphasize the status of whiteness and to center analysis, rather, on the anti-Black foundations of race and modern society. 

In other words, “it is racial blackness as a necessary condition for enslavement that matters most, rather than whiteness as a sufficient condition for freedom.”

As a result, it is Blackness, and more specifically anti-Blackness, that gives coherence to categories of non-Black—white, worker, gay, i.e., “human.” Categories of non-Black must establish their boundaries for inclusion in a group (humanity) by having a recognizable self within. According Frank Wilderson III “Blacks do not function as political subjects; instead, our flesh and energies are instrumentalized for postcolonial, immigrant, LGBT, and workers' agendas." 

I expand on the ‘flesh and energies are instrumentalized for postcolonial, immigrant, LGBT, and workers' agendas’ argument in this post in my blog and also here and this book chapter I repost here

But minor nitpick, Jacobin does counter the above anti intersectionality argument here pretty base "But what is particularly troubling about this schema is the fact that Afro-pessimists reserve much of their ire not for the overwhelmingly white bourgeoisie who lord over Western societies, and they remain largely silent around the sexism as well as the homo-/transphobia facing black women and queers, because anti-blackness is believed to be uniquely worse than other forms of identity-based discrimination."

I wonder in which ways that "anti-blackness" might be used as a template for conceptualizing all kinds of oppression. Many people make the argument that since we have to be pc careful when talking about poc, we should also be pc careful when talking about mentally handicapped people in terms of language usage

This is more compelling and more relevant to intersectional idpol than just exceptionalism, which I believe is something that has existed for a long while and isn't that remarkable in itself. 

There must also, consequently, be an outside to each group, and, as with the concept of humanity, it is Blackness that is without; it is Blackness that is the dark matter surrounding and holding together the categories of non-Black. 

Experientially, subjects, even Black ones, can obviously find themselves with any myriad identities, but ontologically Blackness is still violently excluded from even the meager scraps given when recognized.”

Counterpoint to the Afro Pessimism point above

If the "anti-blackness" served or will serve as a template for other marginalized groups, it could become a nightmare where every individual discrimination morphs into supreme for different marginalized groups only and thus no solidarity can ever be had outside each tiny group.

Afro Pessimism should incorporate some concept of unity/textbook black unity to not be so anti solidaritiac 

My own take of this is that wokeness has a hierarchy. Only a small amount of people will be familiar with these academics and their positions yet those small amount of people will influence a far larger number of people who simply want to virtue signal and repeat slogans without ever realizing what it is that they're repeating.

In her more recent book Toward a Global Idea of Race, Denise Ferreira Silva further claims that we can’t comprehend the ‘present global configuration’ unless we ‘unpack how the racial, the cultural and the nation institute the modern subject’ and analyze the context in which the modern subject emerged and was produced. 

Silva writes that racial difference is not an ideological or cultural construction but it is instead a real category and is responsible for structuring the contemporary global configuration. 

So precisely because race supplies the discursive basis for the subordination of non-white people, even specific studies of Blackness must be placed in the global historical context in which racialised subjects emerged. 

In this way, we might avoid US-centric ontological (supposedly universal) conceptions of Blackness while simultaneously emphasising the histories of interconnection between Black populations across the world. 

In short, the object of analysis is not the afterlife of slavery but the multiplicity of afterlives of slavery and colonization; the aim is to study how these exist within a global system structured by imperialism

So in some ways an illusion and we should try to transcend it and judge people on their individual merits

To epxand on that author Calvin L Warren (from here) says:

"In Ontological Terror Calvin L. Warren intervenes in Afro-pessimism, Heideggerian metaphysics, and black humanist philosophy by positing that the “Negro question” is intimately imbricated with questions of Being. Warren uses the figure of the antebellum free black as a philosophical paradigm for thinking through the tensions between blackness and Being. He illustrates how blacks embody a metaphysical nothing. This nothingness serves as a destabilizing presence and force as well as that which whiteness defines itself against."

and 

"Thus, the function of blackness as giving form to nothing presents a terrifying problem for whites: they need blacks to affirm their existence, even as they despise the nothingness they represent.  By pointing out how all humanism is based on investing blackness with nonbeing—a logic which reproduces antiblack violence and precludes any realization of equality, justice, and recognition for blacks—Warren urges the removal of the human from its metaphysical pedestal and the exploration of ways of existing that are not predicated on a grounding in being."  So take that into consideration too

But according to Afro Pessimism (as I mention here) we may need more the above changes to truly emancipate blacks and give them and BIPOC in general true equality. Because according to Afro Pessimism  argue that the master/slave relation cannot be analogized with the capitalist/worker relation.  Also see here for the intersection of Black Nihilism (a related concept to Afro Pessimism) and Neoliberalism

.So why not balance between focusing on class first in our socialist activism at times and using a Afro Pessimist approach (like focusing on defeating whiteness) in our socialist activism at other times . Maybe this can be done in a way that fuses Afro Pessimism with the above views ? I try to find a balance between the two which isn’t hard since they are both anti idpol . I touch on this concept in this post

According to Afro Pessimism, power is a structure not a performance 

African Americans or BIPOC as a whole would no longer feel second rate (everyone of all races-ethnicities is first class equally) since they would be either the dominant minority or dominant race ethnicity with these changes above

According to Afro pessimism our country wrongly likely won’t make the above changes .This reddit post, , this link,  this article, this link ,and this exert  further expands on Afro pessimism (though that would be a radical direct way to abolish white ethnocentricity as a literal nuclear option).  This post kind of offers a unique perspective to Afro Pessimism after you read it 

Even Afro Pessimism's pragmatic and realistic solutions have issues and might not be workable as pointed out by Jacobin here

According to Afro Pessimism, Anti-Black Racism is the material conditions of Anti-Blackness like Police Brutality and Income Inequality. On the other hand, according to Afro Pessimism , Anti-Blackness is the condition of non-being that Black bodies are locked into within Civil Society

I agree with Afro pessimism in some ways which balances my BIPOC views as can be seen throughout this blog and in particular above and below. Afro Pessimism is about white history in that it shows how for over 300 years whites have wrongly held down blacks.

I do think that anti-African racism is uniquely widespread, and that African people are still excluded from non-African society in ways which represent direct continuations of the colonial hierarchies that came before it. 

African struggles are coopted by other groups without adding beneficial to Africans. 

I also agree with this book on Race and Neutrality in the Queer Theory

Afro pessimism says that the emancipation of black people did not translate into true equality and full membership in civil society. Since the dominion and domination of slavery were fundamentally defined by black subjection, race appositely framed questions of sovereignty, right, and power.

According to Afro Pessimism professor Frank Wilder III, “Instead of slavery being defined as a relation of (forced) labor, it is more accurately thought of as a relation of property. The slave is objectified in such a way that they are legally made an object (a commodity) to be used and exchanged. It is not just their labor-power that is commodified—as with the worker—but their very being. 

As such, they are not recognized as a social subject and are thus precluded from the category of “human”—inclusion in humanity being predicated on social recognition, volition, subjecthood, and the valuation of life.

The slave, as an object, is socially dead, which means they are: 1) open to gratuitous violence, as opposed to violence contingent upon some transgression or crime; 2) natally alienated, their ties of birth not recognized and familial structures intentionally broken apart; and 3) generally dishonored, or disgraced before any thought or action is considered.

The social death of the slave goes to the very level of their being, defining their ontology. Thus, according to Afro-pessimism, the slave experiences their “slaveness” ontologically, as a “being for the captor,”3 not as an oppressed subject, who experiences exploitation and alienation, but as an object of accumulation and fungibility (exchangeability).

After the “nonevent of emancipation,”slavery did not simply give way to freedom. Instead, the legal disavowal of ownership reorganized domination and the former slave became the racialized Black “subject,” whose position was marked epidermally, per Frantz Fanon. What followed was a profound entrenchment of the concept of race, both psychically and juridically. 

Formally, the Black subject was no longer a slave, but the same formative relation of structural violence that maintained slavery remained—upheld explicitly by the police (former slave catchers and or social/labor control) and white supremacy generally—hence preserving the equation that Black equals socially dead. Just as wanton violence was a constituent element of slavery, so it is to Blackness. 

Given the ongoing accumulation of Black death at the hands of the police—even despite increased visibility in recent years—it becomes apparent that a Black person on the street today faces open vulnerability to violence just as the slave did on the plantation. 

That there has recently been such an increase in media coverage and yet little decrease in murder reveals the ease with which anti-Black violence can be ignored by white society; at the same time this reveals that when one is Black one needn’t do anything to be targeted, as Blackness itself is criminalized (this balances my views that the police issue is a class and mentally disabled person issue)

With this understanding of slavery and Blackness, Afro-pessimism makes a critical shift in focus by moving away from the Black/ white binary and reframing it as Black/non-Black, in order to deemphasize the status of whiteness and to center analysis, rather, on the anti-Black foundations of race and modern society. 

In other words according to Wilder III, “it is racial blackness as a necessary condition for enslavement that matters most, rather than whiteness as a sufficient condition for freedom.”As a result, it is Blackness, and more specifically anti-Blackness, that gives coherence to categories of non-Black—white, worker, gay, i.e., “human.” Categories of non-Black must establish their boundaries for inclusion in a group (humanity) by having a recognizable self within. 

There must also, consequently, be an outside to each group, and, as with the concept of humanity, it is Blackness that is without; it is Blackness that is the dark matter surrounding and holding together the categories of non-Black. 

Experientially, subjects, even Black ones, can obviously find themselves with any myriad identities, but ontologically Blackness is still violently excluded from even the meager scraps given when recognized.”

Moreover “ The task of the following chapters is to discern the ways in which emancipatory discourses of rights, liberty, and equality instigate, transmit, and effect forms of racial domination and liberal narratives of individuality idealize mechanisms of domination and discipline. 

It is not simply that rights are inseparable from the entitlements of whiteness or that blacks should be recognized as legitimate rights bearers; rather, the issue at hand is the way in which the stipulation of abstract equality produces white entitlement and black subjection in its promulgation of formal equality. 

The fragile “as if equal” of liberal discourse inadequately contends with the history of racial subjection and enslavement, since the texture of freedom is laden with the vestiges of slavery, and abstract equality is utterly enmeshed in the narrative of black subjection, given that slavery undergirded the rhetoric of the republic and equality defined so as to sanction subordination and segregation. 

Ultimately, I am trying to grapple with the changes wrought in the social fabric after the abolition of slavery and with the nonevent of emancipation insinuated by the perpetuation of the plantation system and the refiguration of subjection.”

“Afro-pessimism, understands Black liberation as a negative dialectic, a politics of refusal, and a refusal to affirm; as an embrace of disorder and incoherence; and as an act of political apostasy.

This is not to categorically reject every project of reform—for decreased suffering will surely make life momentarily easier—but rather to take to task any movement invested in the preservation of society. Were they not to decry every action that didn’t fit within their rigid framework, then they might not fortify anti-Blackness as fully as they do. 

It is in the effort to garner legitimacy (an appeal to whiteness) that reformism requires a representable identity and code of actions, which excludes, and actually endangers, those who would reject such pandering. 

This also places undo faith in politicians and police to do something other than maintain, as they always have and will, the institutions—schools, courts, prisons, projects, voting booths, neighborhood associations—sustaining anti-Blackness.”

Afro-pessimism used to mean being aware of the compromising position Africans have been placed in by European colonization and enslavement.

Frank Wilderson's definition is a tad off (always slaves is a touch of a weird reading) but Wilderson, a prominent afro pessimist, has this conception of social death whereby black persons are excluded fully from society on some level

Though this article makes good counter arguments to Afro Pessimism 

Also Orlando Patterson and this article makes some good counter arguments to Afro pessimism that downplay that theory.

The way Afro pessimism talks of slavery or a lack of humanity, philosophically too, can seem like a useless and partially harmful activity

Implying that African people will continue to be enslaved so long as whites are complicit and contributing to the societies of other persons comes off like a call to action so it’s a thin line 

It’s all academic lingo. If Wilderson never wrote that book on Afro Pessimism his legacy would still be of him working with Nelson Mandela so I will always respect him regardless

Afro Pessimism applies a lot of American racial concepts to the entire world, and uses anecdotal experiences to justify placing the struggles of Africans at odds with the struggles of every other people

In some ways Afro Pessimism turns into literal American exceptionalism but instead for rich black academics. Some people would see this as a nice grift (if you can get such a grift).with a bit of fanaticism

thrown in (though I am a fan of some aspects of Afro Pessisimism as can be seen throughout this blog)  

Afro Pessimism structures their analysis of Blackness and slaveness around the official abolition of slavery in the United States in 1865, they ignore that slavery wasn’t abolished in Brazil until 1888. 

But in the Afro Pessimism’s ‘afterlife of slavery’, these histories don’t play any role. 

The legacy of US chattel slavery consumes all Black experience, both historical and contemporary. 

If Afro Pessimism were to pay attention to the peculiarities of Brazilian slavery, Afro Pessimism would have to adapt its concept of Blackness to develop an account of how race has structured a social formation with the second largest Black population in the world

From this article which touches on this 

“This isn’t to say that there aren’t glimmers of hope in the US literary and academic scene on Afro Pessimism 

John Keene’s part-historical, part-fictional (and political) retelling of the slave experience in Counternarratives, gives equal weight to the specificities of slavery in Brazil under Portuguese rule and in North America in the pre-Civil War era. 

Counternarratives weaves together these diverging but interconnected histories to draw out the underlying logic structuring gender, race and class under different forms of slavery and colonisation. Most importantly, however, Keene plays with the engrained Eurocentric prejudices that colonisers used to belittle and ‘other’ colonial subjects. 

Irrationality and spirituality become sources of power: Keene’s characters actually possess the magical powers that have been attributed to them by the colonisers – these are in turn transformed into a basis for Black insurgency. 

While Keene opens the collection with a quote from Fred Moten on the relationship between philosophy and slavery (‘The social situation of philosophy is slavery’), his exposition of the lived histories of enslaved peoples in various social formations, moves beyond the realm of simple African-American exceptionalism, and his deconstruction of Eurocentric prejudices more in line with the ‘thin’ and strategic deployment of essentialism than the ‘thick’ ontological essentialism of Afro Pessimism”

One way for Afro Pessimism to fix its essentialism and anti politics issues as follows: (from this article):

“Aimé Césaire’s attack on Roger Callois in Discourse on Colonialism illustrates just how ingrained the cultural exceptionalism of Europe was (is) in many intellectuals’ minds, and just how necessary it was (is) to counter such exceptionalism with a ‘thin’ essentialism of one’s own – even if this expression is mainly poetic. 

Whereas the Afro Pessimism essentialism retreats from the realm of politics, the essentialism of the Césaire’s surrealism takes racism and colonialism head on. This ‘strategic essentialism’ – a positivist essentialism that is critical of the ontological idea, while making use of it for specific political purposes – represents something quite different than the ‘thick’ ontological Blackness of the Afro Pessimism, who have no political strategy whatsoever! 

Nonetheless, we must remember that the emphasis in strategic essentialism is on political action; while Césaire focused on achieving the deconstruction of essentialism through poetry and art, we must move beyond the realm of artistic expression and posit a concept of Blackness aimed at the revolutionary transformation of existing social relations.”

Do Nigerians get to complain about colonialism and post-colonialism? See here for example

This is the reason why class is the only impactful criterion here, as you will see collaborationist elites within any ethnic or racial group and they typically manage to retain the class privilege they have acquired as colonial collaborators , and also in post-colonial eras

Or do Arabs in general complaining about imperialist neo-colonialism? 

What about Palestinians, is their plight important enough to be attributed to racism or do they need to be transported halfway across the planet for a couple of centuries first? 

Afro Pessimism when applied to rigidly, could cause other identity groups to not have any reason to give a damn about the struggles of blacks, assuming that they do have one and their struggles aren’t some kind of bourgeois white guilt act.

Exceptionalism can hurt both international and class solidarity. 

The Black Panthers rejected exceptionalism and instead embraced international and class solidarity since the Black Panthers rightfully created ties with other groups across the world as opposed to Afro Pessimists being too pessimistic and rigid by saying things like this: 

“ Commenting on comparisons between the plight of Palestinians and Afro-Americans, Frank Wilderson III says, ‘That’s just b.s. First, there’s no time period in which Black police and slave domination have ever ended. Second, the Arabs and the Jews are as much a part of the Black slave trade – the creation of Blackness as social death – as anyone else.’

Afro Pessimism does show that the Black Liberation Army were the closest model for them in how to create equality in their eyes due to the potential for a catastrophe of human arrangements writ large (to end anti blackness and whiteness). This is because to Afro Pessimists the political violence of the Black Liberation Army far outpaced the anti-capitalist and internationalist discourse

According to Saidiya Hartman “A Black revolution makes everyone freer than they actually want to be.” A Marxist revolution however, blows the lid off of economic relations; a feminist revolution blows the lid off patriarchal relations; a Black revolution blows the lid off the unconscious and relations writ large.

Jared Sexton fused some of Fred Moten’s Black Optimism/Black Operation ideas into Afro Pessimism to improve the theory “A living death is as much a death as it is living. Nothing in Afro-pessimism suggests that there is no black (social) life, only that black life is not social life in the universe formed by the codes of state and civil society, of citizen and subject, of nation and culture, of people and place, of history and heritage, of all the things that colonial society has in common with the colonised, of all the things that capital has in common with labour – the modern world system.”

More from here

“Jared Sexton shows that Moten’s Black Ops is nothing other than what he instead calls ‘the social life of social death’. There is no either/or distinction between social life and social death: we can think both together by positing that Black life is lived in the underground. Moten even acknowledges, in ‘Blackness and Nothingness (Mysticism in the Flesh)’, that the AP™ and Black Ops are engaged in the same theoretical project:

“In the end, though life and optimism are the terms under which I speak, I agree with Sexton – by way of the slightest most immeasurable reversal of emphasis – that Afro-pessimism and black optimism are not but nothing other than one another. I will continue to prefer the black optimism of his work just as, I am sure, he will continue to prefer the Afro-pessimism of mine”

Afro Pessimism needs to add some class theory (Black Marxism by Cedric Robinson would be a good start)  as criteria or something to fill its void of rejecting Intersectionality (maybe Fourth Political Theory i.e 4pt?), as you will find collaborationist elites within any racial or ethnic group and they sometimes manage to retain the class privilege they acquired as colonial collaborators even in post-colonial eras. 

4pt rejects that the main subject of politics is individualism and instead roughly refers to the experience of being unique to humans (sort of like Lived experience). A being that is aware of and must confront such issues as personhood, mortality and the dilemma or paradox of living in relationship with other humans while being ultimately alone with oneself. 4pt talks about rediscovering Pre postmodernity that would be understood not as the past, but as the a-temporal structure of principles and values.  

Also see this as a potential counter to the ‘US was founded on anti blackness’.  

The 4pt identifies our main enemy as Western Political Modernity/Western Modernity in general in the philosophical, scientific, geopolitical and economic senses. 

Western Political Modernity coincides with Capitalism, because Capitalism, materialism, atheism/secularism and colonialism re-introduced slavery after slavery was non existent for hundreds of years in Western Christian culture. Slavery was reintroduced by the Western political modernity

At times it seems that slavery in colonial times, in the US and in Africa, was a phenomenon continued from the ancient tradition of pre-modern Westernism. 

But that is not true. Slavery was a completely new, modern institution. Modern slavery is the path of the so-called "democratic liberal" modernity. People fighting colonialism should understand it very well: they are fighting Western political modernity. 

That new concept of slavery was based on race and biological aspects, and also based on progress due to the fact that there was no reasonable explanation for using black or poc as slaves apart from progress. 

This was a new concept of slavery that was based on measuring progress. Revolutionary-Transnational Progressivism and cultural radicalism was the main moving power behind slavery.

So to liberate the consequences of slavery and colonialism, we have to extinguish the Western political modernity. This is the only way. 

If we wrongly project slavery outside of the Western political bourgeois Capitalist modernity, we will be led to the wrong conclusion. The entire phenomenon was created, explained and funded by the Western political modernity.  

I also support some aspects of black nihilism. Like Afro Pessimism, Black Nihilism advocates for black withdrawal from POLITICAL entities

Unlike Afro Pessimism, Black Nihilism promotes interpersonal coalitions to be formed between black people. 

As great as Black Anarchism is, Patricia Hill Collin's Black Feminist standpoint theory , which is used to extend Black Anarchism into intersectional coalitions by using black women's "oppositional consciousness” at the center of such coalitional politics has limits. Afro Pessimism provides a better way to solve those shortcomings of the Black Feminist standpoint theory and its inability to go trajectory beyond intersectional identity ,as mentioned here 

I am glad that BLM is Afro Pessimist essentialist and puts the focus on African American victims of anti blackness and I commend them for using that essentialism model

On racial justice protests according to Afro Pessimism “ Afro-pessimism can also be used to critique prevalent liberal discourses around community, accountability, innocence, and justice. Such notions sit upon anti-Black foundations and only go so far as to reconfigure, rather than abolish, the institutions that produce, control, and murder Black subjects.

Take for example the appeal to innocence and demand for accountability, too frequently launched when someone Black is killed by police. The discourse of innocence operates within a binary of innocent/ guilty, which is founded on the belief that there is an ultimate fairness to the system and presumes the state to be the protector of all. 

This fails to understand the state’s fundamental investment in self-preservation, which is indivisible from white supremacy and the interests of capital. The discourse goes that if someone innocent is killed, an individual (the villainous cop) must be held accountable as a solution to this so-called injustice. The structural reality of anti-Black violence is completely obfuscated and justice is mistook as a concept independent from anti-Blackness. 

Discrimination is indeed tragic, but systematic dispossession and murder is designedly more—it is the justice system—and no amount of imprisoned cops, body cameras or citizen review boards will eliminate this.”

I feel systematically antiracist scholars have misconstrued the enemy as white supremacy. A true anti-racist critique should go deeper and engage the legacy of modernity itself. (I support the Fourth Political Theory which does just that, critique modernity)

Like how modernity defined human subjectivity through its constitutive exclusion of black people--(understood and ontologized as slaves). 

Though slavery existed at several historical periods and in different geographical locations, the paradigmatic slave for Europeans came to be identified exclusively with blacks. 

The Middle Passage ontologically changed African lives in a way that even exceeded the existential imprints left by the Shoah: Jews went into Auschwitz and came out as Jews, Africans went into the ships and came out as Blacks. The latter is a Human and a metaphysical holo caust. 

According to an Afro Pessimism scholar   "That is why it makes little sense to attempt analogy: the Jews have the Dead (the Muselmann) among them; the Dead have the Blacks among them" . Though this post a good counter to that

according to Afro Pessimism, as outlined here, feel that reparations miss the point since they refute the racial capitalism theory above , and see slavery in the US rooted in anti blackness instead of intertwined with capitalism. 

Afro Pessimists instead see ‘slavery’ as ongoing but in reimagined forms (including the prison system, police state etc) instead of something that ended a century and a half ago so they call for true emancipation from what they see as modern ‘slavery’ which would make the need for reparations moot:

“ Frank Wilder III: “I do believe that there is a way out (of our current system and structures of anti blackness) . But I believe that the way out is a kind of violence so magnificent and so comprehensive that it scares the hell out of even radical revolutionaries. 

So, in other words, the trajectory of violence that Black slave revolts suggest, whether it be in the 21st century or the 19th century, is a violence against the generic categories of life, agency being one of them. That’s what I meant by an epistemological catastrophe. Marx posits an epistemological crisis, which is to say moving from one system of human arrangements and relations to another system of human relations and arrangement”

From S Hartman “ The question persists as to whether it is possible to unleash freedom from the history of property that secured it, for the security of property that undergirded the abstract equality of rights bearers was achieved, in large measure, through black bondage. 

As a consequence of emancipation, blacks were incorporated into the narrative of the rights of man and citizen; by virtue of the gift of freedom and wage labor, the formerly enslaved were granted entry into the hallowed halls of humanity, and, at the same time, the unyielding and implacable fabrication of blackness as subordination continued under the aegis of formal equality. 

This is not to deny the achievements made possible by the formal stipulation of equality but simply to highlight the fractures and limits of emancipation and the necessity of thinking about these limits in terms that do not simply traffic in the obviousness of common sense—the denial of basic rights, privileges, and entitlements to the formerly enslaved—and yet leave the framework of liberalism unexamined. In short, the matter to be considered is how the formerly enslaved navigated between a travestied emancipation and an illusory freedom.”

However some alternate views (mainly on the right) say that Afro Pessimism does not realize that African Americans (i.e blacks) may still be able to truly get emancipation and abolish the anti blackness of our society without Afro Pessimism measures , but only by African Americans (i.e blacks) in droves leaving the Democrat party, and in their words ‘getting off of the Democrat plantation’.

Those people who share this perspective (mainly on the right) claim that since the Great Society, and party switch African Americans are heavily influenced by the Democratic Party to be Democrat. Joe Biden’s “You ain’t black if you don’t vote for me” as mentioned here, also alludes to this according to some people

See this, this, this, this for of these type of views. I don’t necessarily believe that to be the case but it sdds a unique perspective after you read about Afro Pessimism 

The CRT like legal liberalism examines issues of race, racism, and equality by focusing on the exclusion and marginalization of those subjects and bodies marked as different and/or inferior. The disadvantage of this approach is that the proposed remedies and correctives to the problem like inclusion, protection, and greater access of opportunity—don’t ultimately challenge the economy of racial production or its truth claims or interrogate the exclusions constitutive of the norm but instead seek to gain equality, liberation, and redress within its confines.

Afro-Pessimism seeks to stage a metacritique of the current discourse that is identified as “critical theory” by excavating an antagonism that exceeds it. This means to recognize this antagonism forces a mode of death that expels subjecthood and forces objecthood (upon Blacks)

Despite me being an enemy of whiteness (though see here and here, also through Afro-pessimism I make a critical shift in focus by me moving away from the Black/ white binary and reframing it as Black/non-Black, in order to deemphasize the status of whiteness and to center analysis, rather, on the anti-Black foundations of race and modern society). 

I fully believe that being white and whiteness are NOT terrorism and being white and whiteness itself is NOT evil. I can agree with some things from Afro Pessimism and still not believe that whiteness or being white is terrorism or evil.

I am against whites criticizing whiteness as I feel they are being racist for doing so. 

I downplay whiteness by emphasizing anti blackness which is what Afro Pessimism does. As seen in my takes on the Smithsonian's controversial 2020 whiteness flyer below, I use whiteness more as a buzzword for tangible concepts like bourgeois, vulgar Libertarianism,Neoliberalism, WASPs, Classic Conservatism, Capitalism than the way wokies use the term

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However according to Afro Pessimism the whole concept of police is an anti blackness concept (as I show way below). as mentioned here. Afro Pessimism militantly believes that blacks wouldn't be arrested as much if they were white (which they say is due to discrimination)

For example, according to Afro Pessimism “ Afro-pessimism can also be used to critique prevalent liberal discourses around community, accountability, innocence, and justice. Such notions sit upon anti-Black foundations and only go so far as to reconfigure, rather than abolish, the institutions that produce, control, and murder Black subjects.

Take for example the appeal to innocence and demand for accountability, too frequently launched when someone Black is killed by police. The discourse of innocence operates within a binary of innocent/ guilty, which is founded on the belief that there is an ultimate fairness to the system and presumes the state to be the protector of all. 

This fails to understand the state’s fundamental investment in self-preservation, which is indivisible from white supremacy and the interests of capital. 

The discourse goes that if someone innocent is killed, an individual (the villainous cop) must be held accountable as a solution to this so-called injustice. The structural reality of anti-Black violence is completely obfuscated and justice is mistook as a concept independent from anti-Blackness. 

Discrimination is indeed tragic, but systematic dispossession and murder is designedly more—it is the justice system—and no amount of imprisoned cops, body cameras or citizen review boards will eliminate this.”

Given the ongoing accumulation of Black death at the hands of the police—even despite increased visibility in recent years—it becomes apparent that a Black person on the street today faces open vulnerability to violence just as the slave did on the plantation. 

That there has recently been such an increase in media coverage and yet little decrease in murder reveals the ease with which anti-Black violence can be ignored by white society; at the same time this reveals that when one is Black one needn’t do anything to be targeted, as Blackness itself is criminalized (this balances my views that the police issue is a class and mentally disabled person issue)

Afro Pessimism points out how the state kills and contains Black bodies but it also turns the spotlight on other culprits who contribute to anti blackness; the left “the left kills and contains Black desire, erases Black cognitive maps that explain the singularity of Black suffering, and, most of all, fatally constricts the horizon of Black liberation.” 

The government was correct to implement the 1964 Civil Rights Act to strike down the local and state laws that mandated segregation. The government mandating segregation in the South in the first place was a violation of the Constitution , freedom of association, and a plethora of other personal rights and liberties 

The government was further correct to go further with the 1964 Civil Rights Act to desegregate the South since the local and state laws that mandated segregation being like the rest of the US, built upon anti black structures (per Afro Pessimism) made segregation especially cruel and in dire need of government intervention to desegregate

That was a needed federal intervention as a necessary check on state abuses of bigotry especially due to the local and state laws that mandated segregation going as far as they did which included harassing and harming other businesses which didn’t comply with the local and state mandated segregation laws. This article says this better than I can

Yet, the political angle of the Civil Rights Act and its corollary welfare acts over the span of the Lyndon Johnson administration did have negative effects on the minority communities .

In the book 'Losing Ground' it talks of the economic incentives that emerged from these acts which was to gain the ever more valued minority vote. This was a good and effective strategy by the Democrats but it has not aged well as some minorities feel they have been used by the Democrats 

Thomas Sowell says of this welfare and economic incentives stuff left behind by this act that it destroyed the African American family and created a dependency culture.

I like how JFK help abolish segregation in the way that he did.

From a Libertarian  (i.e small government) and Afro Pessimist perspective:

I feel that the 1964 Civil Rights Act should not be used to prevent Muslim, Christian, LDS etc private businesses from refusing to bake custom wedding cakes for same sex couples. This is for Libertarian, small government reasons. 

Private means private. Private businesses should not be compelled at all to promote a belief it fundamentally disagrees with (within reason) even if they are bigot LGBTQ phobes for doing so

It should be absolutely illegal for say private religious bakeries to say ‘no gay people allowed’ since sexual orientation is protected though it should be legal for the private religious baker bakery to stubbornly refuse to sell a custom cake which promotes a viewpoint they disagreed with, like same sex marriage no matter how terrible such an act is.

The whole ‘protected class’ thing no matter how much I like the concept in some aspects really is an insult to LGBTQ people and too much big government if you think about it

But if those private religious bakeries refuse to bake a cake for the same sex couple, I would call for a major boycott of said private religious bakery until they gave in (using my freedoms)

Because if do not, how would a Lesbian feel if their Queer owned private bakery was required by law to bake a cake for a Transgender patron which promoted Lesbian erasure in the cake’s message? It cuts both ways

However all public businesses including Muslim, Christian, LDS private businesses should be forced by the government to serve LGBTQ people and all people of all identities protected or not.

Moreover using the 1964 Civil Rights Act to protect LGBTQ in such rarer situations could be viewed in a way as anti black and racist.

According to Afro Pessimism “As a result, it is Blackness, and more specifically anti-Blackness, that gives coherence to categories of non-Black—white, worker, gay, i.e., “human.” Categories of non-Black must establish their boundaries for inclusion in a group (humanity) by having a recognizable self within. According Frank Wilderson III “Blacks do not function as political subjects; instead, our flesh and energies are instrumentalized for postcolonial, immigrant, LGBT, and workers' agendas." 

So if we follow that line of thought, the 1964 Civil Rights Act is way more fitting on African Americans than it is on LGBTQ people because unlike with the LGBTQ community, our whole society ,culture and every institution has been built on anti blackness from the 1619 onwards. To appropriate the 1964 Civil Rights Act so a same sex couple can get a wedding cake from a private Christian or Muslim or LDS baker is too put it nicely misplaced and not in good taste

However from a moral perspective private religious bakeries should have to make custom wedding cakes for same sex couples and NO the Mises counter rhetoric of “forcing an individual to serve another is no better than the sanctioning of slavery.” to protest such mandated service for private businesses is false equivalency/false analogy . It is wage slavery that is the problem and what needs to be abolished not the pseudo ‘slavery’ that the Mises caucus whines about which isn’t a problem and certainly shouldn’t be abolished

I want us to eventually abolish  state/government, classes, hierarchies etc and to abolish or reimagine private property in a Left libertarian/Left Rothbard way which will render debating over whether the government should force private religious bakeries to make custom wedding cakes for same sex couples moot

I am against private bakers being requited to bake cakes celebrating Transgenderism if it goes against their beliefs. 

Even though from a moral perspective I support private bakers being required to bake cakes celebrating Transgender marriages, and allowing Trans people to use their preferred restroom , the celebrating Transgenderism cake thing is going too far and that is where I draw the line. I support this baker in this lawsuit and I hope he wins.  Enough is enough.s

 

According to Afro-Pessimists , violence toward the black person happens gratuitously, hence without former transgression, and even if the means of repression change (plantation was replaced by prison, etc.), that doesn’t change the structure of the repression itself. So we must abolish prisons

While I want us to eventually abolish prisons, I do not support Rashida Tlaib's illogical, naive, impulsive and Liberal 2.0 proposal to empty prisons. I would rather bite the shiv and keep prisons (all prisons) around than use Liberalism 2.0 methods like Rashida Tlaib’s methods to faux ‘abolish’ prisons This thread reflects my views on this more

I don’t criticize John Fetterman’s similar Liberal 2.0 faux abolitionist ideas (even though they are the worst of both worlds) because Fetterman was on the board of pardons, so it is natural he wants to abolish prisons but he he impulsively chose the Liberal 2.0 faux method to do so over true prison abolishment 

This is because Fetterman still has a financial connection in the prison system or he has a connection to it and thus he cannot bring himself to call for full abolishment of prisons as that would hurt John financially and socially with his white collar prison system employee friends . So in light of this context, I give John a pass on his stupid Liberal 2.0 half a*s prison idea even though I want him to truly abolish the prisons and I hate Liberal 2.0 faux prison abolishment

We are nowhere ready to abolish prisons which should be done alongside abolishing Capitalism ,the state, police etc in one fell swoop and not using the Liberal 2.0 ‘empty the prison’ faux ‘abolitionist’ methods which are as bad as the prison state complex itself and should never be implemented

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However, the idpol of intersectionality is not easily dismissed by queer neutrality theorists . After all the first chapter of the Queer Neutrality book notes that even the English gender comes not just via the French genre but it also comes via the Latin genus, as in kind, type, class, set, group, or race, and Sigmund Freud used the German term Geschlecht, which means sex, family, or race. 

Here are some views on the Black feminist Standpoint theory critique of Queer Neutrality/Queer theory and how Afro Pessimism provides a better alternative to the Black Feminist standpoint theory's limited alternative to Queer Neutrality/Queer theory

Now Afro Pessimism has a unique take something similar to FLINTA “The challenges Afro-pessimism poses to the affirmation of Blackness extend to other identities as well and problematize identity-based politics.  

The efforts, on the part of such around identities politics, to produce a coherent subject (and movement), and the reduction of antagonisms to a representable position, is not only the total circumscription of liberatory potential, but it is an extinguishment of rage with reform—which is to stake a claim in the state and society, and thus anti-Blackness. “.

 (This doesn’t altogether eliminate the possibilities for organizing There are very real reasons why this is often necessary and groups are experimenting with ways of building autonomy that are also anti-essentialist and recognize the heterogeneity of supposedly static categories. One example is a negative affirmation of identity in order to prevent any positive affirmation of another)

“ With this understanding of slavery and Blackness, Afro-pessimism makes a critical shift in focus by moving away from the Black/ white binary and reframing it as Black/non-Black, in order to deemphasize the status of whiteness and to center analysis, rather, on the anti-Black foundations of race and modern society. 

In other words, “it is racial blackness as a necessary condition for enslavement that matters most, rather than whiteness as a sufficient condition for freedom.”

“ As a result, it is Blackness, and more specifically anti-Blackness, that gives coherence to categories of non-Black—white, worker, gay, i.e., “human.” Categories of non-Black must establish their boundaries for inclusion in a group (humanity) by having a recognizable self within. According Frank Wilderson III “Blacks do not function as political subjects; instead, our flesh and energies are instrumentalized for postcolonial, immigrant, LGBT, and workers' agendas." 

Suzanna Walters also reacted to something similar to FLINTA: “In the case for women and blacks, the talk is centered more on the definitions of race and gender in terms of access, identity, behaviors, etc. Gays are inevitably swept up in a public discourse that engages both cause and effect and then eventually links the two—particularly in a moment of biological obsessiveness.”

According to Afro Pessimist scholar Frank B Wilderson III Israelis and Palestinians are closer and have more in common with each other than they realize “I was faced with the realization that in the collective unconscious, Palestinian insurgents have more in common with the Israeli state and civil society than they do with Black people. What they share is a largely unconscious consensus that Blackness is a locus of abjection to be instrumentalized on a whim.”

So even the oppressed but nonblack freedom fighter who fights against a white supremacist, settler colonial project (Israel), has anti-blackness in common with their oppressor. He goes on to claim that the conflict between Israel and Palestine is only intelligible through anti-blackness:

Without the articulation of a common negrophobogenesis that relays between Israel and Palestine, the narrative coherence of their bloody conflict would evaporate. My friend’s and his fellow Palestinians’ negrophobogenesis is the bedrock, the concrete slabs upon which any edifice of Human articulation (whether love or war) is built.  Though this piece from Jacobin is a nice counter to this argument 

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The US as a whole (North and South) in the 19th century was horrible to their workers in every sense of the word. They each oppressed their workers in their own, unique bad ways (but far worse in the South, as I show below). 

However, the slavery of the South (i.e chattel slavery) to blacks was uniquely worse than the industrial wage ‘slavery’ of the North was to its workers due to the nature of chattel slavery itself as I mention below (based on Afro Pessimism). But industrialized wage slavery is especially and certainly no slouch to say the very least brutal due to the industrialized nature of it

According to Afro Pessemism, though slavery had existed at several historical periods and in different geographical locations, the paradigmatic slave for Europeans came to be identified exclusively with blacks. 

The Middle Passage ontologically changed African lives in a way that even exceeded the existential imprints left by the Shoah: Jews went into Auschwitz and came out as Jews, Africans went into the ships and came out as Blacks. The latter is a Human and a metaphysical holo caust. 

According to Afro Pessimism professor Frank Wilder III, “Instead of slavery being defined as a relation of (forced) labor, it is more accurately thought of as a relation of property. The slave is objectified in such a way that they are legally made an object (a commodity) to be used and exchanged. It is not just their labor-power that is commodified—as with the worker—but their very being. 

As such, they are not recognized as a social subject and are thus precluded from the category of “human”—inclusion in humanity being predicated on social recognition, volition, subjecthood, and the valuation of life.

The slave, as an object, is socially dead, which means they are: 1) open to gratuitous violence, as opposed to violence contingent upon some transgression or crime; 2) natally alienated, their ties of birth not recognized and familial structures intentionally broken apart; and 3) generally dishonored, or disgraced before any thought or action is considered.

The social death of the slave goes to the very level of their being, defining their ontology. Thus, according to Afro-pessimism, the slave experiences their “slaveness” ontologically, as a “being for the captor,”3 not as an oppressed subject, who experiences exploitation and alienation, but as an object of accumulation and fungibility (exchangeability).

After the “nonevent of emancipation,”slavery did not simply give way to freedom. Instead, the legal disavowal of ownership reorganized domination and the former slave became the racialized Black “subject,” whose position was marked epidermally, per Frantz Fanon. What followed was a profound entrenchment of the concept of race, both psychically and juridically. 

Formally, the Black subject was no longer a slave, but the same formative relation of structural violence that maintained slavery remained—upheld explicitly by the police (former slave catchers and or social/labor control) and white supremacy generally—hence preserving the equation that Black equals socially dead. Just as wanton violence was a constituent element of slavery, so it is to Blackness. 

Given the ongoing accumulation of Black death at the hands of the police—even despite increased visibility in recent years—it becomes apparent that a Black person on the street today faces open vulnerability to violence just as the slave did on the plantation. See this and this for more on this

Slavery not being abolished in the South when it was abolished in the North and instead lasting decades more in the South (the only place in the US in the early mid to mid 19th century where slavery was occurring was in the South, not the North), heavily contributed to the anti blackness that is virtually inescapable in our country today and social death that African Americans continue to experience today, as Afro Pessimism mentions like above

So thus, the South was uniquely worse to blacks than industrial wage ‘slavery’ of the North was to its workers. 

However this post, is why I still believe that Afro Pessimism is too race reductionist in terms of the evils of Capitalism to 19th century workers in the North and the South and too easily dismissive of the evils of industrial wage ‘slavery’ of the North. This can be seen throughout my blog

Anyway, Union imperialism caused the extreme Capitalist mess of the Reconstruction era South when  this type  of strategy by the North in their approach to freeing the slaves might have been more preferable

In the US (North and South) in the 19th century, bosses and owners brutally dehumanized and overworked their workers, while either not paying those workers (South) or barely paying them (Notth). The Union bankers in particular didn't want their profits soiled by the truth of the North’s abuse of their workers

Slavery in the *South and the industrial wage slavery (which overworked some workers until they were dead) of the North were just extreme and harsh forms of a bigger picture which was the horrible labor practices, overconsumption, materialism, capitalism, hierarchies etc of the 19th century US (in all places, North, and South alike). 

They are large reason that labor unions were created in the first place (*to a much lesser extent as I mention in my Afro Pessimism points above, slavery in the South was more unique worse than the industrial wage ‘slavery’ of the North)

To expand on that, this is why my views on the Civil War and economics/labor-practices in the mid 19th century US/Old South/Confederacy exactly match Karl Marx’s views on those topics . 

I believe it was great that Abraham Lincoln was inspired by Karl Marx (and used Marxist rationale) and Christianity (and as mentioned above other inspirations like the Young Nationalists movement) to go to war with the Confederacy, free the slaves, and end the mode of exploitation (slavery) as that was by far the best inspiration and rationale for doing what Abraham Lincoln did back then (going to war with the Confederacy, freeing blacks, and ending slavery). 

In the specific case of the US, Karl Marx believed that the worker’s movements had been paralyzed by the existence of slave labor and their inability to adequately address it. 

In Capital, Marx writes, ‘labour in a white skin cannot emancipate itself where it is branded in a black skin.’ The possibility of a unified proletarian revolution thus according to Marx relied on the abolition of slavery. 

Moreover, Karl Marx almost touched on the unique injustices of slavery in the South that Afro Prssemism emphasizes (i.e that forced labor is an example of the experience that slaves might have, but not all slaves were forced to work and that slavery is social death and the beginning of the anti blackness that is still entrenched in our country today)

Regardless how bad and brutal the North was with its industrialized wage slavery or how uniquely evil their brand of oppression was, there was no more tangible way to create a nationwide revolutionary socialist movement as Marx had wanted than by the North invading the South. 

I am proud of Christians helping in abolishing slavery too (so Christianity and Marxism were like a popular Front against slavery). Christians did this because the bible rightfully teaches us that it was wrong (ie Paul’s letter to Philemon etc). We can thank Marxism, Christianity and other methods (but no less important) for abolishment 

But that was bittersweet because while slavery luckily ended in the South, industrial wage slavery sadly continued for some time afterward in the North. The war didn’t have a twin effect of leading to a clear and straight path to emancipating the industrial wage slaves in the North as Marx had wanted

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I support Afro Pessimism. White people existing is a threat to black liberation because according to Afro Pessimism White people are anti blackness structures by nature due to the horrors of anti black slavery by white colonizers centuries ago and beyond.

So since white people including myself (assuming I am not transracially black) are structured against blackness so if we want to go beyond the nihilist defeatist attitude of Afro Pessimism to use that theory as a blueprint for black liberation instead of a Lamentations like book, then to end anti blackness /anti black racism in a pragmatic, practical way, all white people and non black people on Earth should be either socially dead or at best agree to a living death in order to socially or in a zombie like way abolish billions of anti black structures (i.e whites and non blacks) . I am serious. 

If we can convince all whites on Earth to agree to socially kts or at minimum if that isn't feasible than for all whites on Earth to accept living death for themselves 

(social death and living death both are not real death, see links for why)

we may be able to in the words of Afro Pessimist scholar Frank Wilder III 'negate the negation' without having to do to Earth what what Cyborg Smoke did as his Fatalitiy in Mortal Kombat and wait to start fresh once life on Earth rises again so blacks get a fresh start without the stigma of anti blackness, anti black racism and all the non black- anti black structures that are positioned against blackness

This isn't a woke radlib idea like you hear Conservapedia chuds complain about or you hear FauKKKs Noos complain about. 

This isn't the anti white racist, literal voluntary white genocide article from Everyday Feminism (telling white mothers to abort their babies to save blacks), since unlike Afro Pessimism, that type of ideology is racist against whites while Afro Pessimism is nihilist in the realm of politics, and my adding some type of political activism to it here still is closer to Black Nihilism than to other types of black activism that are not nihilist or pessimistic.

Further in their anti baby, anti white article, Everyday Feminism uses the woke, CRT FALSE definition of black liberation as the end goal for black liberation in that pro 'whites abort white children' racist article,  instead of using non woke, non anti white,  pro black ideologies such as Afro Pessimism or even the Black Liberation Army as such an end goal for black liberation since the latter 2 ideologies are true black liberation (Afro Pessimism most certainly) while Everyday Feminism's State Liberal, hyper ultrawoke, CRT on steroids 'liberation' only makes blacks become more oppressed than they are now by giving them superficial, meaningless non material fluff (like renaming streets that are named after a George Washington to another person since 'omg George Washington owned slaves!! like this is worse than George cutting down his parents cherry tree as a kid' or using racial quotas on reality shows or having meaningless black boxes on Instagram profiles) all of which do nothing to truly help the black community in the slightest. 

Afro Pessimism is not woke, it is against wokeness (it rightfully doesn't recognize white supremacy as the enemy and it downplays the so called dangers of 'whiteness' to instead prop up what the real enemy is : anti blackness structures (like the police,  whites, Palestinians and other Arabs, Asian people, Indigenous non blacks etc).  

Afro Pessimism's against intersectionality, a core feature of modern wokeness. 

Furthermore my brand of actionable Afro Pessimism here calls for whites and non white non blacks to be either socially dead or just living dead not aborted or killed like Everyday Feminism called for

Moreover, Afro Pessimism correctly says that whites are not evil or bad because they are white, its just that whites are anti blackness structures due to the intricate history of the modern world and the abuses committed against them by white, Asian, Muslim/Arab, Indigenous etc bigots.  

And Afro Pessimism showed me one way to turn it into Black Nihilism that borders on John Mayer's 'Waiting for the World to change' type of thinking is that either whites and non white non blacks alike must be removed from Earth along to give blacks back their dignity and the ability to destroy anti black structures or we have to go by the Afro Pessimism blueprint to end anti blackness forever and that is the more extreme option . 

That latter option is to negate the negation to truly emancipate blacks from hundreds of years of slavery, by literally doing to Earth what Cyborg Smoke did as his Fatalitiy in Mortal Kombat and start fresh once life on Earth rises again

So by whites and other non blacks to socially kts or more realistically accept living death onto themselves as to give blacks liberation and a path to get back to reclaim their African roots, it will seem extreme, but again this is non woke 

Now Afro Pessimism is a nihilist ideology so it doesn't call for whites to off themselves to save blacks, 

Affirmative Action is a necessary tool to undo effects of centuries of anti black policies, thought I am an Afro Pessimist and Affirmative Action is only a band-aid until me and the poc negate the negation to finally smash the anti blackness apparatus in society forever. I make a similar statement on repartations for poc here

One way for Afro Pessimism to fix its essentialism and anti politics issues as follows: (from this article):

“Aimé Césaire’s attack on Roger Callois in Discourse on Colonialism illustrates just how ingrained the cultural exceptionalism of Europe was (is) in many intellectuals’ minds, and just how necessary it was (is) to counter such exceptionalism with a ‘thin’ essentialism of one’s own – even if this expression is mainly poetic. 

Whereas the Afro Pessimism essentialism retreats from the realm of politics, the essentialism of the Césaire’s surrealism takes racism and colonialism head on. This ‘strategic essentialism’ – a positivist essentialism that is critical of the ontological idea, while making use of it for specific political purposes – represents something quite different than the ‘thick’ ontological Blackness of the Afro Pessimism, who have no political strategy whatsoever! 

Nonetheless, we must remember that the emphasis in strategic essentialism is on political action; while Césaire focused on achieving the deconstruction of essentialism through poetry and art, we must move beyond the realm of artistic expression and posit a concept of Blackness aimed at the revolutionary transformation of existing social relations.”

I am supportive of this ideology related to AP

I support a feminist ideology which to women is what Afro Pessimism is to blacks. 

If the "anti-blackness" the article described served or will serve as a template, it'll be some kind of reality where every individual discrimination becomes supreme for that group only (in this case women instead of blacks) 

Maybe something like this here, .  This can be an early draft of such a feminist ideology

The modern Democrat liberal MSM establishment say if you aren't helping fight for margainalized groups rights you are hurting by getting in the way, no matter how left wing or progressive you may be. This is what one of them said to Zuby on Twitter and it made sense to me. 

So if you only fight for class or are an armchair Left Communist for example you are given a negative score on the racial justice social credit system; the more marginalized groups you help, the higher score you get. Like a real life video game . This is why I can live with Democrat latte liberals going hard on leftists and progressives like they do, but I still cannot accept it nor can I support their rank system above

I support Afro Pessimism. White people existing is a threat to black liberation because according to Afro Pessimism White people are anti blackness structures by nature due to the horrors of anti black slavery by white colonizers centuries ago and beyond.

So since white people including myself (assuming I am not transracially black) are structured against blackness so if we want to go beyond the nihilist defeatist attitude of Afro Pessimism to use that theory as a blueprint for black liberation instead of a Lamentations like book, then to end anti blackness /anti black racism in a pragmatic, practical way, all white people and non black people on Earth should be either socially dead or at best agree to a living death in order to socially or in a zombie like way abolish billions of anti black structures (i.e whites and non blacks) . I am serious. 

If we can convince all whites on Earth to agree to agree symbolically to a social death/living death for themselves 

(social death and living death both are not real death, see links for why)

we may be able to in the words of Afro Pessimist scholar Frank Wilder III 'negate the negation' without having to do to Earth what what Cyborg Smoke did as his Fatalitiy in Mortal Kombat and wait to start fresh once life on Earth rises again so blacks get a fresh start without the stigma of anti blackness, anti black racism and all the non black- anti black structures that are positioned against blackness

This isn't a woke radlib idea like you hear Conservapedia chuds complain about or you hear FauKKKs Noos complain about. 

This isn't the anti white racist, literal voluntary white genocide article from Everyday Feminism (telling white mothers to abort their babies to save blacks), since unlike Afro Pessimism, that type of ideology is racist against whites while Afro Pessimism is nihilist in the realm of politics, and my adding some type of political activism to it here still is closer to Black Nihilism than to other types of black activism that are not nihilist or pessimistic.

Further in their anti baby, anti white article, Everyday Feminism uses the woke, CRT FALSE definition of black liberation as the end goal for black liberation in that pro 'whites abort white children' racist article,  instead of using non woke, non anti white,  pro black ideologies such as Afro Pessimism or even the Black Liberation Army as such an end goal for black liberation since the latter 2 ideologies are true black liberation (Afro Pessimism most certainly) while Everyday Feminism's State Liberal, hyper ultrawoke, CRT on steroids 'liberation' only makes blacks become more oppressed than they are now by giving them superficial, meaningless non material fluff (like renaming streets that are named after a George Washington to another person since 'omg George Washington owned slaves!! like this is worse than George cutting down his parents cherry tree as a kid' or using racial quotas on reality shows or having meaningless black boxes on Instagram profiles) all of which do nothing to truly help the black community in the slightest. 

Afro Pessimism is not woke, it is against wokeness (it rightfully doesn't recognize white supremacy as the enemy and it downplays the so called dangers of 'whiteness' to instead prop up what the real enemy is : anti blackness structures (like the police,  whites, Palestinians and other Arabs, Asian people, Indigenous non blacks etc).  

Afro Pessimism's against intersectionality, a core feature of modern wokeness. 

Furthermore my brand of actionable Afro Pessimism here calls for whites and non white non blacks to be either socially dead or just living dead not aborted or killed like Everyday Feminism called for

Moreover, Afro Pessimism correctly says that whites are not evil or bad because they are white, its just that whites are anti blackness structures due to the intricate history of the modern world and the abuses committed against them by white, Asian, Muslim/Arab, Indigenous etc bigots.  

And Afro Pessimism showed me one way to turn it into Black Nihilism that borders on John Mayer's 'Waiting for the World to change' type of thinking is that either whites and non white non blacks alike must be removed from Earth along to give blacks back their dignity and the ability to destroy anti black structures or we have to go by the Afro Pessimism blueprint to end anti blackness forever and that is the more extreme option . 

That latter option is to negate the negation to truly emancipate blacks from hundreds of years of slavery, by literally doing to Earth what Cyborg Smoke did as his Fatalitiy in Mortal Kombat and start fresh once life on Earth rises again

So by whites and other non blacks to socially kts or more realistically accept living death onto themselves as to give blacks liberation and a path to get back to reclaim their African roots, it will seem extreme, but again this is non woke 

Now Afro Pessimism is a nihilist ideology so it doesn't call for whites to off themselves to save blacks

I agree with John Mellencamp here (similar points he raised that I agree with like above)